Terrorism works. Lets avoid it.

Let us be in no doubt. For those prepared to practise it, terrorism or politically inspired violence works. Terrorists generate not only death and destruction but uncertainty and fear too. Their efforts affect not only innocent victims immediately in the firing line but even governments, often far away.

Governments have a duty to defend their citizens but in deciding how to do this they are susceptible to doing exactly what terrorists want; as are the civilian populations who perforce become refugees. Kid yourself not: huge increases in defence budgets, surveillance, ethnic cleansing and xenophobia are exactly what perpetrators of terrorism want. These are manifestations of fear.

ISIS may or may not be in retreat, suffering casualties, leaderless or just past its sell-by date but, relatively small in numbers that it is in comparison to its chosen enemies, it punches well above its weight when it comes to impact on governments. When the latter adopt state assassination or remote attacks affecting the innocent, ISIS wins. When every email you or I send is inspected, ISIS wins. How they must smile as those they attack join the game of violence, gainsaying the stated primacy of diplomacy. By killing a few, they invite the reciprocal killing and displacement of many more, perpetuating the cycle. The losers are not just the people fleeing for security only to find that countries they thought would shelter them slam their borders in their faces; but the governments which too readily kneejerk into doing what they criticise their attackers for.

If anyone doubts that this works or that history proves it, look no further than Israel or Ireland for precedent: diplomacy and eventual stability achieved via a violent journey. To say that violence works is not to advocate it. To acknowledge how it works could result that, instead of playing the games of the extremists, governments can redouble their diplomatic, social and intellectual efforts to deal with the issues potentially leading to the violence before they do so. A tenth of the sums spent on defence dedicated to diplomacy would seem a start.

How do you feel about this EU campaign?

Dare one say it? The campaign which started this morning but which is in reality already 2 months old, is both boring and badly managed. Yes, the subject f EU membership is important. Yes, voting about Europe is, for us who live in safe Tory seats, the one occasion when our votes count. But the powers that be could hardly have done worse in terms of enthusing the electorate.

If I were a Brexit-er [which I am most decidedly NOT] I could at least be enthusiastic because this is such a simple, clear message. But the awfulness and chaos of the rival gangs could reduce this clarity to confusion and lose them their chance of prevailing.

Then there are the Remainers. Oh dear! Their case could be so strong but their message and presentation are so poor. As usual with anything run by the Tories, the focus is on money and foreigners, when the visceral, emotional attraction must surely lie in decades past and future of peace and cooperation. Instead, we have Johnny Foreigner against Colonel Blimp; gunboats against the defenceless; and, sadly, old-and-voting versus young-and-disenfranchised. As if it were not already bad enough that Europe as an issue historically attracts low priority in voter concerns and low turnout. Four months of bad-mouthing bigotry is no turn-on, will do nothing to give democracy a good name and may lead to a damaging conclusion when there was no need for the referendum in the first place. What a mess.

Tom Serpell

Migration is part of English life

Communities large and small require a constant supply of labour if they are to be sustainable. Even ever-growing London needs not only the much-vaunted higher skilled workers who may grudgingly be allowed in from overseas to refresh the talent pool but also its hidden army of low-paid, less-qualified workers who oil the wheels of service, healthcare, cleaning and transport. As people migrate into the capital in search of economic betterment, the demand they create for accommodation drives up property prices, out of the reach of these workers who lived there before and need to live there still, creating a sort of ethnic cleansing of the unqualified. What is not so evident is the parallel to this picture being experienced in thousands of rural and coastal communities.

At the start of the 20^th century, there were some 1m agricultural workers populating the towns and villages of rural England. As these were deprived of their living by automation and changes in farming and fishing practices, many left the country for industrial employment, denuding their former communities. Smaller, less influential populations were further deprived of transport links, and public services.  In recent decades, city-wards migration has been replaced to some extent by a reverse flow, as members of the new, affluent, urban middle class themselves experience the effects of property inflation. These have been two-fold: they too have been squeezed to pay for their homes; but they have been able to take profits by relocating and sometimes starting businesses in more attractive, often rural or seaside, environments, with lower costs and better quality of life. For such incomers, lack of public services may be of less importance than to long-term residents, being typically more mobile and able to pay for services privately. But life-style businesses in rural towns have limited growth, employment and wages. As more of the static number of available houses are acquired by the wealthy incomers, fewer are available or affordable to the less skilled, lower paid inhabitants of these communities. The younger generation is forced away from the countryside to find employment, leaving villages as micro versions of London: communities of the affluent with no local supply of unskilled labour, to lift the seasonal crops, to care for the ageing, to drive the non-existent buses. Is it any wonder that there is demand for workers from overseas who are prepared to tolerate multi-occupation housing and unsocial hours?

Ministers make the assumption that the public will accept skilled foreign workers into the country, because they are presumably nice middle-class people and relatively few in number. The reality is that in London and in leafy and seaside towns, there is still a need for lower-paid, less qualified workers to keep services going; but they are unable to live there , thanks to the inflationary effect of ignoring house-building for so long. In a market economy, only higher supply will mollify price inflation. If villages are to remain multi-generational or evolve into retirement communities, they will need not only a supply of labour but a supply of housing which can be afforded by first-time buyers, young families and lower-paid workers; and effective transport services to connect them to the services they need for health, education and employment. Until then, we need to think carefully about our  attitudes towards migrants and which ones we really need in our communities. Too may affluent house-buyers is no solution.